April 22, 2013

Meet our Mama's Day Artists!


Mama's Day Our Way is Strong Families' unique and powerful Mother's Day celebration where we highlight mamas and aspects of motherhood that are not usually visible in the greeting card aisles. Our e-cards represent the diversity of parenting and make important political statements by showing queer, single, trans, immigrant, and incarcerated mamas as loving caretakers.


Spanning from the emerging to the established, 19 artists were selected for the diversity of motherhood imagery they would bring to the campaign. Oakland based artist, Melanie Cervantes says that the e-cards will help “communities see themselves in a popular format.” While Kirbieleya Platero, a single parent, says that  the cards will “present a different aspect of motherhood, or a glimpse of what institutions don't understand about being a parent, better yet a young single parent.”

In addition to shifting the narrative of motherhood, the cards are also a way for the artists to honor the mothers in their own families. Donna Choi’s work celebrates  “the hard-working immigrant mamas of my friends and family members.” Julio Salgado’s submission  pays “homage to our parents, who don't fit America's idea of what they are supposed to look like, love like or be like.” In the same vein, Chucha Marquez speaks to the aspect of representing the ways that we create families to survive  as a queer person color: “My chosen family has been there for me during times in which I couldn't go to my birth mother or "biological" family.”



The Mamas Day e-card series “beautifully embod[ies] the politic of Strong Families: that "All Families Matter" (Michah Bazant) and lets mamas of all background know that “its alright to be who they are; not only that but that they should be celebrated too” (Robert Trujilio).

Check out all of the participating artists at:
http://artists.mamasday.org/

April 19, 2013

Pleasure Politics Part I: Employment, Economic Justice and the Erotic

By Taja Lindley
This is the first in a series that explores how women of color can live and work from a sustainable place of satisfaction and pleasure. 

Too often we are led to believe that work must be something separate from pleasure: that we are to do what we love on the side, in our spare time; that pleasure is an extra-curricular activity, a hobby, a side gig. As if only a privileged few are supposed to do work that is fulfilling and passion-driven. As if pleasure is a luxury, not a necessity.

Know: these are lies.

In the U.S. we have been conditioned to work to survive, to get by, to pay bills, to stay afloat, living a day-to-day and paycheck-to-paycheck existence. We have been conditioned to work most of our lives so we can enjoy pleasurable activities in our free time, pre-determined holidays, limited vacation and, if we’re lucky, during retirement. The U.S. “reduces work to a travesty of necessities, a duty by which we earn bread or oblivion for ourselves and those we love.”

Listen closely: when policymakers, public figures and the media talk about the current status of the economy and high unemployment, the discussion revolves around jobs. As it should: people are looking for work. But when the narrative around jobs is unconcerned with how work connects to the passion, purpose, ambitions and talents of workers, our economy does a disservice to our humanity and our creativity. The conversation reinforces a narrative that implies that any job will do. What about purpose? What about passion? Yes: we’ve got to feed our families, we’ve got to keep roofs over our heads, and there are bills to be paid. Survival is a primary need.

But we are so much more than our basic needs. In a world of haves and have nots, with widening disparities in wealth and income, the travesty of our global economy makes pleasurable work challenging to access. An economy organized in this way serves only the elite and powerful, whereby the majority of workers are employed and/or exploited to fill the vision and pockets of those who are already in power.

In short: systemic inequality makes pleasurable work more accessible for some than others.

As a policy and research fellow at a grassroots economic justice organization, I witnessed first-hand how this played out for long-term unemployed people on public assistance in New York. The sentiment that “any job will do” pushed many people on welfare into low-wage jobs with few (if any) benefits, and with little to no room for upward mobility. Case-workers were generally uninterested in helping people find the professional development and training programs that could help them move into the careers of their choice, opting instead to fulfill short-term goals of job-placement. Many case-workers were informed by stereotypes of the “undeserving poor,” their job responsibilities informed by public policies concerned with getting people off public assistance, not into satisfying work.

Beyond the safety net, there is still an indoctrination of working for necessity where people are encouraged to chase power, money and prestige and reserve pleasure for happy hours and vacation time. People are encouraged to embrace a lifestyle that costs just as much as their salary. It has its advantages: in exchange for a weekly commitment of at least 40 hours, you can pay off that exorbitant student loan debt and possibly save some money and accumulate wealth. Certainly, a savings account and strategic investments can pay-off in the long run, but high income and wealth does not equal happiness. What is our life worth when we sell it for only a few moments of pleasure?

In her essay “The Uses of the Erotic,” Audre Lorde explains that the erotic is neither frivolous nor a luxury. She defines the erotic as:

a measure between the beginnings of our sense of self and the chaos of our strongest feelings… an internal sense of satisfaction to which, once we have experienced it, we know we can aspire. For having experienced the fullness of this depth of feeling and recognizing it’s power, in honor and in self-respect we can require no less of ourselves.

Erotic autonomy, as suggested by Audre Lorde in her essay, is to live a fully embodied life where we are living our purpose and passions, and creating from our unique talents with an undeniable feeling of satisfaction. The erotic is the lens we use to scrutinize our choices so that we make decisions that support the fullest expressions of who we are.

So when we talk about the erotic as it applies to our work, it is about (re)claiming power over our lives and how we operate in this economy. It is a radical notion that values the talents, creativity and contributions of everyone, even those who have been marginalized and deemed unworthy of pleasurable work. Work that satisfies our internal desires and financial needs.

Wealth and purpose-driven hustles are not mutually exclusive. Imagine how different our world would be if people did work they were excited about, and not what they thought they had to do to get by. How might our economy change? What would be the meaning of work? How might there be more support for innovation and entrepreneurship, even amongst historically and currently marginalized and exploited communities?

Creating spaces and products that encourage people to feel good in their bodies is a critical part of my reproductive justice framework and an extension of my life work. So when I founded Colored Girls Hustle, it represented that erotic space for me: a place where I could be my authentic self as an artist and do work that affirmed women and girls of color. Part of Colored Girls Hustle’s work is to redefine “hustle” as passion and purpose driven. We create original media and feature women and girls color who hustle hard for their communities as artists, entrepreneurs, healers and activists. Colored Girls Hustle is actively contributing to a conversation about erotic expression and autonomy being an integral part of economic justice.

I hope you’ll join me in defining erotic autonomy within the context of work, prioritizing the erotic in economic justice for women and girls of color, and articulating the financially lucrative and sustainable ways this can manifest.

This blog post is the first part of how I want to contribute to this conversation. Stay tuned for the posts that follow and keep the conversation going with me on twitter and tumblr.


Taja Lindley is inspiring and aspiring wellness, creativity, and reproductive justice for women and girls of color. She is the founder of Colored Girls Hustle, a full-spectrum doula, a member of Echoing Ida, and a visual and performance artist. You can follow her on twitter or tumblr.




April 17, 2013

Undocuqueer


By Kalpana Krishnamurthy


Photo by: Dave LaFontaine
When I first saw this image, I was captivated. All I could think was “YEESSSSSSS, this tells the full story.” 

Winning the federal DREAM Act would mean celebrating several million undocumented youth becoming eligible for a six-year-long conditional path to U.S. citizenship. Dreamers, the young immigrants all across the country who have been building support for the DREAM Act since 2001, have already won 13 state versions of the bill. Yet, as we continue to fight, we must remember to celebrate immigrant families as a whole, too. Politicians and the media too often tell a story about the Dreamers that undermines immigrant families. They describe immigrant youth as “blameless victims,” victimized by their own parents and families, the villains who brought their children into the U.S. illegally. But that story is not the real story.

With one image, New Mexico Dreamers in Action (NM DIA) are taking charge of their families’ stories, and using the internet to spread it as far as possible. Eddie Aranda, brother of statewide coordinator of NM DIA Italia Aranda, created the image. When I asked what inspired it, Italia Aranda said “You can see how tired the Dad is. I love the look in his eyes because he looks real. We’ve seen that look in our parent’s eyes all of our lives. They have worked to take care of us, to feed us. This is an image of any parent who wants the best opportunities for their children. We’re fighting alongside our parents and our communities to make this dream happen.” Eddie Aranda contacted the photographer, who supported using the photo, and it has gone viral. It has been liked more than 1500 times on Facebook.

In addition to fighting for the DREAM Act and comprehensive immigration reform, NM DIA is working with Strong Families New Mexico to write another chapter in immigrant families’ stories by gathering signatures in support of uniting same-sex couples across national borders. 

During the 2013 legislative session in Sante Fe, New Mexico House members passed a resolution encouraging federal immigration reform to include LGBT families. This resolution is the first pro-LGBT legislation to pass the New Mexico House floor. Strong Families NM organizer Adriann Barboa said, “The resolution passed the house, and we are proud that New Mexico legislators are showing leadership on this issue. We hope that the five members of the New Mexico federal delegation will follow their lead.”

Strong Families NM partners have already gathered over 800 signatures in two weeks from across the state and will deliver them in May during face-to-face meetings with Congressional members. “Leaders in the New Mexico legislature stood up for all families,” said Barboa. “This petition is especially important because the draft comprehensive immigration reform proposals released earlier this week by the Gang of 8 has no provisions for same-sex couples. So we need to pressure our Congressional leaders to include all families within immigration reform.” People living in New Mexico can sign the petition here.

Aranda agrees, “We have New Mexico Dreamers who are queer. Because of that, we wanted to take a strong stance that all families are included in comprehensive immigration reform. We’ve been educating our own base about the experience of undocumented queer students for the past two years, and the petition is a great way to push our federal delegation to stand with all families in New Mexico.”

Thanks to NM DIA and Strong Families NM for doing your part to tell the real story of our families and to make all of our dreams a reality!

April 12, 2013

National Day of Action: Calling for fair and inclusive immigration reform

By Robin Ryan

Wednesday's stunning sunshine welcomed those who showed up in Oakland's Frank Ogawa/Oscar
Grant Plaza to call for fair and inclusive immigration reform. As I stood there surrounded by members of the community, labor unions, faith organizations and simply lovely people, I noted the life on the faces, the names behind the actions, and some of the unique personalities that make our nation strong. 

Whether we come to these events to represent our organizations, our families or ourselves, we each have a voice that deserves to be heard and rights that warrant protection. All too often, the immigrant voice is lost in anonymity and inhumane workloads, perhaps stifled by fear of deportation or mistreatment by those in power. At actions such as these it becomes all too apparent that so many immigrants rely on community organizers to tell their story to the public, while they carry on their struggle in silence. Here are some of the folks who came together -- to share a word, a sign, a smile, a march and a call for change.

Among those groups represented were: SEIU Local, LIUNA Local 304, EBASE, Interfaith Worker Justice, Presente!, GENESIS, Janitors for Justice, Justa Causa and Forward Together.















April 10, 2013

New Mexico Stands Up for Equal Pay for Women

Originally published in the New Mexico Public News Service

ALBUQUERQUE, N.M. - As a group, women who are employed full-time in New Mexico lose more than $2 billion a year due to the wage gap.

Women with full-time jobs are paid nearly 79 cents for every $1 paid to men - a yearly gap of more
than $8,700 in a woman's paychecks. It's part of what Rep. Brian Egolf Jr., D-Santa Fe, hoped to address in this New Mexico legislative session with the Fair Pay for Women Act.

"Gender-based pay discrimination is not illegal in New Mexico, under state law," Egolf said.

Egolf's bill changes state law to support pay equity and make filing a claim more geographically convenient, and prohibits retaliation for making or helping to file a pay-discrimination claim. House Bill 216 was signed into law in mid-March and will take effect in June.

The pace may be slow, said Ona Porter, chief executive of Prosperity Works, but Equal Pay Day shines a bright light on the status of women's pay and highlights some improvement in places such as big box stores. However, she said, occupational segregation is another obstacle women face.

"We have made very little progress in that arena," she said, "We're still shuffling women into low-paid jobs. The jobs that traditionally are held by women are still the most underpaid sector that we have."

Porter said it's estimated that pay parity won't come until 2056 if the pace of change doesn't improve.

For the most part, people favor pay equity, said Susan Loubet, executive director of New Mexico Women's Agenda, adding that they want their mothers and sisters, wives and daughters to be paid equally for the same work as are their male counterparts.

"Now, we just have to get everyone talking about it, everyone understanding that it's still an issue and understanding how to do something about it," she said, "bringing the inequity out into the open."

The text of HB 216 is online at nmlegis.gov. New Mexico figures from the National Partnership for Women and Families are at nationalpartnership.org.

April 9, 2013

Equal Work Deserves Equal Pay!

Every year on equal pay day we recognize the ways in which the gender wage gap keeps women at an unequal disadvantage when it comes to receiving fair compensation for their work. Currently, women earn only 77 cents for every dollar made by an able-bodied cisgender male. While this is true for the majority of white women in the U.S., missing from the conversation are the realities of women and trans people of color, whose experience of the wage gap deepens the cleavage of economic disparity.

On average, women of color earn up to 25 cents less than their white counterparts. Gender and non-conforming people of color, significantly trail behind, with many people unable to find paying work in the first place.

On Equal Pay Day, let’s remember to think of all the people who are subjected to unfair payment, as well as those who suffer the effects of employee discrimination. This includes supporting the Paycheck Fairness Act and fighting for employment anti-discrimination laws. Single women, mothers, and fathers of all genders deserve to be equally recognized and financially compensated for their labor.

Next month we are launching our Mama's Day 2013 campaign, which will be comprised of e-cards and essays that provide a more in-depth perspective of the impact of the wage gap on queer families and folks of color.

We All Dream of Family

By Kalpana Krishnamurthy and Moira Bowman


When we get lonely for family, many of us go home and catch up with our partners or children; or we go see a movie with mom, dad, our siblings, or a close friend; or maybe we plan a long weekend to visit grandma.

Melanie Cervantes - dignidadrebelde.com
But for some people, being with family is a matter of complicated and hard-to-navigate immigration law. Instead of bringing families together, our current policies create walls that separate people, thick concrete walls at borders and detention centers, and equally solid bureaucratic walls built through immigration quotas, waiting periods that eat up decades of people’s lives, and economic insecurities that keep workers on the road and away from loved ones.


The National Center for Lesbian Rights works with many undocumented LGBT people whose families are torn apart by our immigration system. These include people like Liza and Jessica, a lesbian couple who are undocumented immigrants in the United States.  Liza is also the mother of a 5 year old son, born in the US and a citizen.  Unfortunately for their family, the child’s father reported Liza’s immigration status to law enforcement in an attempt to avoid paying child support.  Liza has returned to the United States without documentation, in order to reunite with Jessica and her young son, and Liza is in the process of applying for a permanent visa.   Unfortunately, Jessica is now facing a separate deportation proceeding, and is being represented by the National Center for Lesbian Rights.

Nancy Haque from Portland, Oregon, writes, “When people say that the system is broken, they’re not kidding. Until the age of 11, I was the only U.S. citizen in my family of six. Following all the rules, it took my parents and siblings 15 years to gain citizenship and another 15 years of going through the byzantine process of sponsorship for my relatives to start being approved for entry to the U.S. Thirty years is a long time—a lifetime—to wait for a family to be reunited.”

We all dream of family because we are made stronger by our families. Part of that strength comes from the fact that our families are constantly evolving through birth, death, growth, and separation. It is simply foolish for us to ignore this reality or to refuse to recognize and support families of all shapes, sizes, and ages; biological and chosen; living in one household, many households, and across national borders; documented, undocumented, or mixed; with children and without. Yet, right now the battle to keep families together, unite families across borders, and recognize same-sex couples as families rages on across dinner tables, in local statehouses, and in the halls of Congress.

To create a U.S. where dreaming of family isn’t a pipedream for some, public policy needs to catch up to how families really exist, and immigration policy is no exception. There are certain things we should come to expect from any immigration reform package in order for federal policy to truly support all families, including the families of people like Liza, Jessica, and Nancy. For starters, decisions about immigration need to reflect an understanding that immigrants are not just agricultural workers or high-tech businesspeople; they’re mothers, fathers, partners, and children. Moreover, people that do contribute to our economy through direct employment contribute in more enriched ways when they are able to be with their families. In fact, it is these relationships that make our society strong.

We should also expect our lawmakers to recognize how many broken families are represented by the 400 thousand people deported in 2012 and demand that new immigration laws cease the raids, detentions, and deportations that rip families apart, and instead, reunify families and unclog the family immigration backlog. And we should expect that policy debates everywhere acknowledge the true diversity of family structures, including same-sex couples, and that any new legislation put forth provides a clear path to reunification for all families that have been forced apart.

The National Coalition for Immigrant Women’s Rights has developed a policy principle that we hope guides the thinking of elected leaders in the coming months: “Immigration reform must protect the right of all families to stay together, regardless of immigration status, family structure, sexual orientation, gender identity, or marital status, and provide sufficient family-based channels for migration in the future.”p

If lawmakers follow this principle, we will be one step closer to a strong society where all families have the rights, resources, and recognition they need to thrive.

Kalpana Krishnamurthy is the Policy Director at ForwardTogether and leads the Strong Families Policy Task Force.  Moira Bowman is the Deputy Director for Forward Together.

This post is part of We All Dream, a series of blogs, conversations and actions by Strong Families to support all families affected by immigration policies.

April 8, 2013

How my past as a black woman informs my black male feminist perspective today

Originally posted at blac (k) ademic by Dr. Kortney Ryan Ziegler


Although I am not new to masculinity, I am new to being a black man.
I am new to the experience of male privilege and its consequence of authority, as well as the disprivilege of race that marks my black male body as innately suspect. It is the delicate balance between power and criminal that has allowed me to see the machinations of misogyny in an entirely different light. Whereas black cisgender men have generally approached feminist discourse through the academic texts and writings of black women, for me, it is my lived experience as a black female that has shaped the ways in which I embrace and practice black feminism.
Prior to physical transition, I wasn’t naive to the ways in which certain forms of black masculinity contribute to the oppression of women. I grew up in a family of single black women who loved, really loved, black men even though it was their husbands, boyfriends and sometimes brothers who were the perpetrators of emotional and physical abuse.
I watched my mother, my beautiful mother, struggle with the demons of mental illness and drug use. Her sickness, it seemed, gave the men in the neighborhood free range to take advantage of her financially and sexually. Though I’ve never met him to form an opinion, my aunt still declares it was my absent father who literally drove my mother to madness.
I was witness to the sadness my grandmother felt as all three of her sons followed in their father’s alcoholic footsteps. She still smiled through all of the pain but I saw the sadness when my uncle, her child, routinely threatened her in the same ways as did the abusive husband she left years before.
I learned to resent black men.
As I grew and my body changed, so did my interactions with males that I encountered. I suffered the threat of sexual violence as my female body consistently invited unsolicited advances from (black) men despite my masculine presentation.
I became more aware of the ads, music, and propaganda that told me that I was ugly, unattractive, and good enough only as a sexual object for black men. Even though intro courses to race and women’s studies in college began to offer me the critical tools to somewhat reject these images, I still felt shame as it was impossible to escape the reality that sexist images of black women suffocated me.
When I began to date women, I repeatedly encountered the aggressive homophobe who thought their magical black dicks could turn me “straight.” In some instances, I would rebuff their advances with jokes though I was well aware of the possibility of danger in doing so.
I learned to fear black men.
Although my relationship with black men and masculinity was fraught, I still desired to be one; I knew that gender transition would be a necessary part of my life’s journey.
For some transmen, their female past conjures up memories of pain and humiliation, and rightfully so. These feelings are not absent from my journey but I’ve come to embrace my past as a beneficial asset to my practice of a progressive black masculinity.
Primarily, I am very careful with my interactions with women in order to not be perceived as a physical threat. I am always thoughtful of my newfound “bulk” due to hormones and the ways in which my masculine body moves and occupies space. While walking on the streets, I maintain my distance from women. I avoid eye contact unless we are engaging in mutual conversation and even then, I do not stare. The memory of harassment as a woman doesn’t allow me to.
In professional situations, I am always aware of my male privilege. I do not hog the intellectual space and make it a point to deeply value the input of my female collaborators. My goal is not to be the dominant voice of reason but to attempt to exist as an equal colleague. Furthermore, in my work I find it very important to centralize the experiences of women to supplement the work that they are doing for themselves.
Although I identify as a heterosexual male, in my relationship with my partner I strive to avoid replicating the harmful gendered dynamics that are traditionally associated with heterosexuality. I make it a point to share my feelings and evaluate my shortcomings. I am not perfect and sometimes I slip but the emphasis I’ve placed on expressing my feelings has provided a deviation from conventional notions of black masculinity. This gesture does not negate my manhood; rather it permits me to love and perform gender in a much healthier way.
Additionally, I do not use my manhood as an excuse to cheat, to view my partner as another sexual conquest, or to marginalize her feelings.
In my brief experience of living as a black male, I’ve learned that it is difficult to challenge misogyny in male dominated spaces. I have found myself in a number of uncomfortable situations with men who openly insult and humiliate women and I feel silenced. Not because of the fear of being outed as trans but I fear being perceived as a failed version of black masculinity–a fear that I believe imprisons all black men–adding to the reproduction of a violent patriarchal society.
I am not a perfect man. I am not immune to the assumptions that are expected of me and sometimes, I act them out. However, my transition journey has allowed me to begin the process of forgiving my absent father, my alcoholic uncle, and the cat-calling homophobe on the corner.
Because black feminism allows me to love myself, I have learned to love black men.